By Michael L. Montalvo
A Drug War POW
Copyright 1997

 In 1982, $200 million in Taxpayers’ funds were transferred in an agency account under the Central Intelligence Agency. The funds were then covertly used by dedicated officials in high office for a contract to purchase, manufacture, and import more than 500 tons of cocaine between 1982 and 1987, with National Security as a cover, in order to secretly finance anti-communist military operations in third world countries. That cocaine flooded the inner cities of the United States and became the “Crack Cocaine Epidemic.” United States foreign intelligence needs created a generation of drug users and the largest prison population in the world to save the world from communism. This is, unfortunately, a true story with live eye witnesses, and documentary evidence written in Oliver North’s personal diary which contained 584 entries concerning cocaine importation.

 In the 1970s, cocaine was an expensive illicit drug allegedly available in elite society. It was just not available to the general public. The lower economic communities had no cocaine problems since a kilogram of cocaine cost four times the price of a $15,000 home in south central Los Angeles. In 1982 things changed. Cocaine was suddenly available in the black communities for fifteen to twenty thousand, and on credit - no money down, pay when you can.

 Since 1982, cocaine has flooded the inner cities. Regular jobs were not available. Thousands of people became cocaine users and dealers causing a new economy to blossom based on cocaine’s two salable forms - crack and powder. A ten dollar crack rock would give an intense short high. Slightly more expensive powder was a snorted substance that was a different short high. In the no-job areas, sales became the ticket to economic success for African Americans to buy homes and cars without having to be highly paid athletes, dancers, or entertainers.

 The big question is how hundreds of tons of cocaine got to the black communities, and on credit. In the recent trial of Ricky Ross for a “reverse sting” (where the government sells the dope), evidence showed that he sold cocaine in the 1980s - provided by the government to finance covert operations. Ross was not the only one.

 The Secret Keepers

 Lt. Col. Oliver North, of the United States Marines, took orders from then Vice President George Bush from 1981 to beyond 1986. North, for God and country, transported over 500 tons of cocaine to finance the Contra War. North made cheap cocaine available to the poor masses of the inner cities and across the USA to save Central America, other countries, and the United States itself, from Communism. Oliver North, American hero, and George Bush are the fathers of “crack babies.”

 This newly discovered evidence proves North, under orders from Bush in the White House, contracted with the chief cocaine producer in Bolivia in 1983 to airlift over 500 tons of cocaine to the East Coast of the United States for distribution by a Colombian cartel. The cocaine airlift enterprise was such a continuing success that cocaine kilogram prices dropped from $60,000 to $10,000 in one year during the Reagan-Bush Drug War. Other independent evidence shows that this airlift was not the only cocaine contract made by the White House for covert operation funding. These emerging White House secrets were concealed, until recently, by threats, a trail of deaths, and incarceration of participants whom the White House, through North, found to be “loose ends.”

 In a series of articles in August 1996, the San Jose Mercury News outlined the origins of the crack cocaine trade in the United States. Reporter Gary Webb spent a year investigation the long-term relationship between Norwin Meneses, a Nicaraguan drug trafficker; Oscar Blandon, a Nicaraguan drug trafficker/double dealing federal informant connected to the Contra rebels; and Ricky Ross, also known as “Freeway Rick,” an African American from South Central Los Angeles, who by his own admission supplied the LA Bloods and Crips in the 1980’s with 100 kilograms a week of crack cocaine.

 The San Jose Mercury News article created a tidal wave of outrage against the government in the black communities most severely ravaged by the “crack cocaine epidemic.” Congresswoman Maxine Waters demanded an investigation by Attorney General Janet Reno. A special Senate Committee was convened to investigate allegations of Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) involvement in drug trafficking. Senators Arlen Specter, Bob Kerrey, and Charles Robb comprised the committee, also the Special Investigator of the Department of Justice was Michael Bromwich and the CIA Inspector General was Frederick Hitz. The CIA, who is presently investigating itself, will invariably prove itself innocent.

 On November 15, 1996, Congresswoman Juanita Millender-McDonald (D-Carson) and CIA Director, John Deutch, came to a meeting in Watts (Los Angeles), to deny claims of CIA involvement in drug activity. A skeptical and irate audience of African Americans responded with a shouting match. The community did not believe Deutch. Cheap cocaine had been mysteriously flooding Watts’ neighborhoods since the early 1980’s, and black people did not have access to cargo planes and ships to carry such quantities.

 Anti-Communist Strategy Relied On Covert Actions

 President Ronald Reagan and Vice President George Bush came to power in 1980. Reagan and Bush had run for high office with a strong message that Americans lived in a hostile world with enemies closing in on them. Russian troops were in Afghanistan, Sandanista Marxists were in Nicaragua, Salvador and Guatemala, Castro was in Cuba assisting communists enemies in Central America, South America and United States citizens were held hostage in Iran. President Reagan wanted to energize the Central Intelligence Agency since the public did not want another war like Vietnam. Bush was the CIA director in 1976. To run the CIA, Reagan selected his campaign manager, William Casey. Reagan, Bush, and Casey selected Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North of the United States Marines as the man to carry out covert “missions impossible,” like a James Bond, outside the view of Congress. Reagan ultimately authorized over 50 covert operations with Casey, and North carried them out. If North fell, he would take all blame to shield Reagan and Bush, and the Executive Department. North’s primary mission was to keep the Contra War going despite the lack of aid and support from Congress.

 The Russians gave the Sandanistas (whom the Contras were fighting) $5 billion dollars. Libyan leader Quadafy gave Ortega, the Sandanistan leader, $1 billion to fight the Contras. It would have taken an equal amount for the Contras to effectively hold ground and fight the “communists threat at the back door of the United States.”

 In order to effectively feed, clothe, arm, equip, medicate and supply the anti-communist Contra forces in Nicaragua, Salvador and Guatemala, the Reagan-Bush White House had to raise a lot of money quickly. Speeches and pleas to conservative Americans to raise donations could not meet the need.

 On December 4, 1981, Reagan signed Executive Order 12333. Later Reagan signed National Security Decision Directives (NSDD) 2 and 3 which established a Special Situation Group (SSG) and Crisis Pre-Planning Group (CPPG) to be controlled by the Vice President [see CPPG Page 1 and Page 2]. These decrees placed Vice President Bush in charge of all covert operations - especially the not-so-secret Contra War. In the same month, Reagan placed Vice President Bush in charge of the NSC, an umbrella intelligence agency for the CIA, Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA), Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), Department of Justice (DOJ), and the Pentagon.

Executive Order 12333 “privatized” NSC intelligence operations and permitted agencies other than the CIA to carry out “special operations” without reporting its activities. This opened the door for the White House NSC staff, under Bush, and any private enterprise the NSC set up, to carry out covert operations. Paragraph 2.7 of the Executive Order, “Contracting,” allowed North to contract for and purchase anything “for authorized intelligence reasons,” without having to report it. North had virtually unlimited authority and power, like 007, to raise money for Reagan’s and Bush’s White House covert operations. North’s NSC headquarters were in the White House close to his two superiors, Reagan and Bush. Bush was concurrently in charge of the “War on Drugs.”

 The CIA had previously been extremely successful in supporting anti-communist armies in Southeast Asia in the 1960’s and 1970’s by working closely with the opium and heroin traffickers in those areas. For a brief synopsis of this history, see Jonathan Marshall, Drug Wars: Corruption, Counterinsurgency and Covert Operations in the Third World, (Berkeley: Cohen and Cohen, 1991), Chapter 4; Peter Dale Scott, Introduction, in Henrick Druger’s The Great Heroin Coup: Drugs, Intelligence, and International Fascism, (Boston: South End Press, 1980); and Peter Dale Scott, Cocaine Politics, Drug Armies, and the CIA in Central America, University of California Press, 1991, Introduction, page 4.

 Foreign intelligence operations by the CIA are commonly aligned with drug traffickers and local mafias since those organizations are anti-socialist, pro-capitalist, and have already well placed routes and connections to find anything (e.g. hostages, arms buyers, backdoors to high government office, smuggling routes, etc.). The CIA and DEA has offices in all the United States Embassies, and the money to pay local police and operatives for information.

 An anti-cocaine, leftist-friendly civilian government had came to power in Bolivia before 1980. It seized cocaine from traffickers and stored it in the National Bank. The CIA assisted and supported the military coup in Bolivia to replace the civilian leftist government. The new CIA backed Bolivian government had friendly relations with the cocaine cartel. Roberto Suarez organized the multi-level coca growers and produces into coca “syndicatos” funneling the majority of crude coca paste production through Suarez’s brokers.

 The Covert Operation: Cocaine For National Security

 Sometime in 1982 or early 1983, Oliver North made contact with the Ochoa cocaine cartel in Columbia and the Suarez family in Bolivia for the purpose of raising large amounts of money to finance the anti-communist Contra War and other similar covert operations. The Ochoas and Suarez had extensive underground organizations; Roberto Suarez’s group had the previously organized coca syndicatos to provide huge amounts of raw coca paste to convert to cocaine, and the Ochoa group had a well established cocaine distribution network in the United States for many years. However, there had been great difficulty in transportation of the cocaine from source countries to the market in the United States. Transportation of cocaine was in 300 kilogram lots and a hit or miss situation. Sometimes the transporters’ pilot or boat captain might get arrested, or they could lose or steal the merchandise. For that reason, cocaine was very expensive in the United States in 1973 to 1983, costing about $50,00 to $60,000 a kilogram wholesale.

 North offered a profitable solution. North contracted with Bobby Suarez (Roberto Suarez’s youngest son) to purchase 500 tons of finished cocaine hydrochloride, then transport it in executive jets to the United States under cover of National Security, land it, store it, and deliver the cocaine to the Ochoa distribution network - without risk - at a price cheaper than the cocaine cartel family could compete with. This was unquestionably the largest and most ambitious cocaine enterprise in history, and it was above the law. To capitalize the enterprise until it received income, North obtained $200 million in “seed money” from the CIA to secure raw materials, equipment, personnel, commitments, and to sustain laboratory production until income made the enterprise self-supporting.

 Production of massive amounts of cocaine started in Bolivia and Peru to meet the 500 ton contract. Chemicals, supplies, and strong “made in America” cardboard packing boxes were flown down from the United States to Bolivia in CIA Hercules C-130 cargo planes. Manufacturing of the cocaine from crude pasta was conducted at three NSC sponsored laboratories in Bolivia, and one in Peru. Gallo and Rico were two of many DEA cocaine chemists employed. Bolivian Colonel Jose Luis Gutierrez was in charge of the cocaine manufacturing operation in the Beni region of Bolivia. The huge “Perseverancia” ranch belonging to Bolivian cocaine queen turned CIA asset, Sonia Atala, was used in the operation. Atala had become a DEA/CIA asset in 1982. The perseverancia Ranch was perfect for a covert operation because of its many airstrips, ranch houses, vastness, and it was located in the middle of the Bolivian jungle, creating the necessary privacy.

 While the cocaine manufacturing progressed for the White House/NSC 500 ton contract, North contracted with several highly skilled civilian pilots who had their own large, long range, executive jets which could each carry three to five ton loads of the NSC cocaine to the United States from South America. The success of the first few flights was critical to the White House NSC enterprise because North had to return the $200 million “seed money” to the CIA. North monitored the initial phases.

 At one meeting in October 1983, North, Bobby Suarez, Bolivian Colonel Chireque, Colonel Jose Nello Callau, and Jose Luis Guiterrez, and two Hispanic-American DEA/NSC agents (names redacted) met at the Astoria Hotel in Santa Cruz, Bolivia, with two mercenary pilots concerning the air route and landing instructions. A five ton load of the White House/NSC cocaine was boxed and ready for delivery to the United States. During this business lunch, North gave specific instructions to the two pilots directing them to use certain call letters, certain frequencies, certain key words in radio contact with the air controller, and to land at a particular small city airport in Georgia where North stated his people would meet the plane, unload the cargo, and provide refueling and service for the planes to leave. North explained that there were a total of five planes involved in this cocaine airlift, and that Bush was advised and aware of this operation.

 Two days later, a large, long range, private jet was loaded at the Trevillos International Airport outside Santa Cruz, with strong “made in America” cardboard packing boxes containing five tons (5,000 kilograms) of NSC cocaine. Four DEA/NSC agents (names redacted) conducted the loading of the cocaine. These federal agents looked like average American guys without distinguishing features.

 North had also arranged for emergency landings in Manaus, Brazil, and Maracaibo, Venezuela. North had an DEA/NSC operative in each location to receive the plane and protect it while a repair or special situation was corrected. Because of North’s military precise planning and organization of the enterprise, no loads or planes were ever lost. Three to five ton cocaine loads of the White House/NSC cocaine was picked up weekly, usually in Santa Cruz, Bolivia, but also from time to time in Peru, Brazil and Columbia. North had arranged clear air corridors through air traffic controllers and radar operators based on the NSC’s authority.

 North’s smuggling pilots were extremely trustworthy. Loaded with three to five tons of cocaine, the executive jets flew above the AWAC radars that searched for drug planes, and flew a direct flight to the United States. North had NSC landing crews, dressed in police or military uniforms, receive the planes in Georgia, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Texas, New York, and other locations where North had NSC or CIA operatives and could use “national security” to land and unload the jets.

 On take off, North’s smuggler pilots were given a destination and call letters. North had a person in the control tower for the pilots to contact in route using the call letters provided. When the pilots used the correct subtle word in the radio message, the landing crew would be alerted for the arrival. The White House/NSC operation was precise and organized for safety to the smallest detail. Each shipment was conducted flawlessly and openly, just like a normal safe business transaction. When the NSC cocaine-loaded plane landed, the airport pick-up truck with a “follow-me” lit sign in the bed would lead the plane, with a five car police or military escort, to a safe hangar where the boxes were unloaded into a large military bus.

 After complete servicing, the NSC landing crew sent the plane on its way. The cocaine loaded military bus drove off with five police cars in escort. Another 5 tons of cocaine for National Security had arrived, and would soon be sold to the public and become dollars for the Executive Departments fight against ungodly communism. Sometimes, a CIA Hercules C-130 cargo plane would be sent carrying up to fifteen tons of the enterprise’s cocaine from Bolivia to the United States.

 North was able to quickly double and return the $200 million seed money to the CIA. Thus, the American Taxpayer was ultimately the provider of the seed money for the White House/NSC cocaine distribution enterprise across the United States under the leadership of Reagan and Bush. Once the Executive Department cocaine shipments landed and were stored, the cocaine was given to the Ochoa cartel for distribution throughout their well established network. This isolated the White House/NSC transportation service. The Ochoas kept this secret fairly well since transportation of the cocaine is the most important link between the source and the market. It is also the most dangerous and difficult segment of the cocaine business since the loss of one load could eliminate a business or a life by crash or arrest.

The White House Cocaine Monopoly

While other South American cocaine cartels, producers, shippers, boat captains and airplane pilots lost 300-500 kilogram cocaine loads through interception or theft, the Ochoa cartel never lost any cocaine. Peers and competitors of the Ochoas never could figure how the Ochoa family could distribute so much cocaine in the United. States while they had no known laboratory to make it, or pilots to transport it. However, the head of the Ochoa cartel, Jorge Ochoa, did let slip to someone how his cocaine landed in the United States. According to Newsday, January 21, 1987, an FBI informant (the wife of a Colombian Drug trafficker) told the Kerry Commission (the Senate subcommittee set up to investigate Oliver North and the Iran-Contra-Cocaine allegations) that Jorge Ochoa "told her that he was working with the CIA to get illegal cocaine into South Florida." How the U.S. Government Has Augmented America's Drug Crisis, by Peter Dale Scott, Ph.D, 1996, Prevailing Winds Magazine, Number 4, page 10; and Cocaine Politics, Drugs, Armies and the CIA in Central America, supra, page 18, 197.

The same informant reported seeing Southern Air Transport planes (a CIA company) land in Barranquilla, Columbia, unload weapons and load cocaine. The New York Times, reported this on February 24, 1988, and added that, according to an FBI spokesman, this informant was employed in Miami briefly in 1987 by the FBI and proved to be reliable. Id. "Senate sources claim that she [informant] passed the polygraph tests." Cocaine Politics, supra, at page 18.

The White House/NSC cocaine maximum cost was $3,000 a kilogram from the DEA/NSC controlled laboratories after paying for raw materials, salaries, and operational expenses. Transportation costs for the loads from Bolivia, Brazil, Peru, or Colombia were $4,000 a kilogram (multiplied by 3,000 to 5,000 kilograms per flight). North could then provide the Ochoa distributing organization with a landed kilogram cheaper than any cartels could.

Before this massive NSC cocaine airlift, cocaine was about $50,000 a kilogram wholesale. Thanks to North's military precise, long-term flooding of the cocaine market, wholesale and retail prices dropped dramatically, forcing independent Colombian cartels and smugglers to drop their prices to compete with the
market prices that the "enterprise" had created. The White House/NSC cocaine superhighway continued for many years bringing at least 600 tons of cocaine (probably closer to 1,000 tons according to witnesses), which was over half of the American market.

The Ochoa cartel and a few other distributors used the White House risk-free transportation service and expanded their existing distribution operations to enlist new lower level distributors by extending credit and lower prices to effectively uncut competitors. The White House/NSC weekly production of an average five tons of cocaine out-supplied demand and was a major force in driving cocaine prices down by creating unlimited availability.

At the beginning of the cocaine airlift, the NSC and the chosen Colombian distribution families made greater profits by holding the prices close to, but slightly lower than, going market prices. As in any commodity oversupply, the demand lagged and caused competitive pricing and greater credit terms to be extended to old and new lower tier dealers. The distributors of the White House/NSC cocaine often competed to attract the same dealer. It was common for a dealer to play two Ochoa suppliers against each other on price for the same cocaine because of the oversupply. The Ochoas had dozens of friends and cousins brokering the unlimited supply of the enterprise's cocaine. These Ochoa brokers made anyone major dealers, on credit, if they said they knew other retail or wholesale buyers. Any amount of cocaine could be given on short term credit. The White House/NSC cocaine was a dominating market force that brought inexpensive cocaine to every neighborhood.

Money Laundering For National Security

Some of the money that the Executive Department made through this Bush-North enterprise was flown to Europe by private jet and placed in the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) where all the members of the cocaine enterprise, Contra operations, and any other CIA related activity, banked in order to ensure easy payment exchanges. Even Panamanian leader Noriega had his account at the BCCI from his annual $200,000 per year CIA salary and other CIA bonus payments. The BCCI was conveniently located worldwide, and in New York, to accept and disburse CIA covert operation money. The BCCI had associations with other banks in Washington, D.C., and Tennessee, in order to facilitate the flow of NSC/CIA covert operation money. North also used Italy's state owned Banca Nazionale del Lavaro (BNL) which had a branch in Atlanta, Georgia. Later North used the BNL to lend money to companies all over the world, including those supplying Saddam Hussein with weapons manufacturing gear.

After North paid all the expenses and costs for manufacturing and importation of the cocaine, he used the proceeds to buy the arms, supplies, provisions, heavy equipment and aircraft needed for the Contras in Nicaragua, Salvador, and Guatemala. The supplies were then flown to the Contras daily. Contra soldiers were clothed., armed, and equipped as well as American forces. However, after one of the NSC planes from Florida crashed in Central America in 1986, North started
shredding all his files and the cocaine accounting books he kept in the White House office.

The White House cocaine airlift made cocaine so plentiful, and on unlimited credit terms, that many persons who would not have sold cocaine were lured into the lucrative black market cocaine business. It happened by Executive Department design.

There have been other independent reports that verify the White House/NCS cocaine importation and distribution enterprise described here. In Cocaine Politics: Drugs, Armies, and the CIA in Central America, by Peter Scott Dale, 1991, University of California Press, the author states:

Citing Latin American Weekly  Report, October 13, 1988, El Pais, September 14, 1988, Hoy International (La Paz), September 12- 18, 1988, cf. Federico Aguilob,  “El Casa Huanchaca,” Estudios Sociales II (December 6, 1988).

Former DEA undercover agent Michael Levine authored The Big White Lie: The CIA And The Cocaine/Crack Epidemic, 1993, by Thunder's Mouth Press. Levine had worked as an DEA undercover agent in Bolivia and Argentina in 1980 to 1982, and later he was undercover in Arizona in 1982 with Bolivian confidential
informant Sonia Atala. Levine tells how the CIA's intelligence operations protected certain large drug operations. Levine also reported that Oliver North was seen at a cocaine laboratory in the Huanchaca area of Bolivia. Id., page 455.

After I read The Big White Lie, I wrote to former DEA agent and author Mike Levine and asked him for corroboration of the sightings of Oliver North in Huanchaca, Bolivia. Levine sent me a pack of information and told me that Bolivian author Roger Cortez, a member of the Bolivian congress, had written a book about North and the Huanchaca cocaine laboratory, but that book was only available in Spanish. Levine also sent me a copy of the July 9, 1984, page from North's personal diary where North wrote that he wanted an aircraft to go to Bolivia and pick up 1,500 kilograms of paste. Levine included two newer articles he wrote in which he demonstrated the government's top level involvement in cocaine importing operations while it conducted a drug war.

Levine stated that a book is forthcoming by a researcher and that it will give the details of the NSC laboratories in Bolivia which supplied massive amounts of cocaine for delivery into the United States. North's 2,600 pages of personal notes are in the possession of the National Security Archives, Washington, D.C., and approximately 500 pages of his notes are devoted to drug trafficking. Some of the specific notes describing drug transactions were also written about in Out of Control, by Leslie Cockburn, Atlantic Monthly Press.

Other eyewitness accounts report the North's meetings in Bolivia concerning the cocaine manufacturing and airlift were conducted with casual business efficiency, and were compared to a Chief Executive Officer's tour of his corporation's various departments--like Henry Ford visiting his assembly line and having lunch with the department heads to discuss operational matters.

Independent of the White House/NSC 500 ton cocaine airlift contract operated by North, there was apparently a separate White House/NSC cocaine airlift operated by North from the Illopango military bases in Honduras. According to former DEA agent Levine, the DEA agent in Tegucigalpa, Honduras, Celerino Castillo III, documented that the Honduran military (which was helping North and the CIA support the Contras in Nicaragua) was the source of more than 50 tons of cocaine smuggled into the United States in a 15 month period in 1983-1984. See The Big White Lie, The CIA and the Cocaine/Crack Epidemic, page 123. The DEA agent, Castillo, was transferred and the office closed.

On October 17, 1996, both former DEA agents Michael Levine and Celerino Castillo III, appeared at the Forum in Oakland, California for a session of "We The People," hosted by former California Governor Jerry Brown. Also present was reporter Gary Webb, author of the much acclaimed investigative report entitled, "Dark Alliance" which detailed CIA-Contra-Cocaine relationships. Castillo described how he had received a tip to investigate Hangers 4 and 5 at Illopango military airfield. Castillo investigated the Hangers and found them full of cocaine, with CIA agent Feliz Rodriguez babysitting them.

The following story appeared recently in the Los Angeles Times:

Castillo's discovery and investigation of the cocaine he found in the Illopango hangers used by the CIA, the NSC, and North are detailed in his book, Powderburns: Cocaine, Contras & The Drug War, by Celerino Castillo, Mosaic Press, 1994.

When North was prosecuted, he lied and misdirected the inquiries by claiming he made profits solely from the sale of arms to Iran, and with those profits, be bought arms to sell to the Contras at a 38% profit. This was perjury. North was actually selling cocaine, and controlled the cocaine market by the tonnage of cocaine he imported. There was no commerce or possible method for the Contras to raise money to buy arms from North. Contra soldiers and leaders did not have time or access to cocaine in a war zone. All of the Contra arms and supplies were a gift from the Executive Department through North. Documentation of the money trail through the BCCI accounts, containing billions of cocaine dollars North earned supplying the Ochoa distribution operation in the United States, were destroyed before Congress got to them.

Because of the White House/NSC operation, cocaine was no longer an expensive and elite drug. The Executive Department's covert activity made cocaine as cheap and available to the public as McDonald's burgers. Everyone could now get cocaine for as low as five dollars a hit. The flood of White House cocaine, while the job market fell, created a multi-level market for cocaine dealing and made it an attractive alternate to unemployment.

The law of economics prevailed. Since the Executive Department's supply of cocaine greatly exceeded current demand, prices plummeted from $60,000 to $12,500 a kilogram on the street in 1983-85. By 1988, the price fell to a wholesale low of $9,500 a kilogram. This was a period of plant closings, high unemployment, and large cut backs in Welfare under President Reagan's plan to limit federal government.

Even the ghettos and rural areas were awash with accessible, cheap cocaine because of the NSC operation headed by George Bush, who was paradoxically in charge of the Drug War. The White House/NSC cocaine enterprise while enacting tougher drug laws, created over a million new jobs--multi-level cocaine dealerships, related robberies, and corresponding law enforcement and prison guard positions.

The conservative estimate of cocaine consumption in the United States during the 1980's range from 250 tons distributed each year (Roberto Suro and Walter Pincus, "The CIA and Crack, Evidence is lacking of Alleged Plot," Washington Post, October 4, 1996, p. A l, rebutting the San Jose Mercury News, article "Dark Alliance" to 300 tons per year, "Unwinnable War," U.S. News and World Report, Nov. 4, 1996, Vol 121, No. 18, p. 40). Those 250 to 300 ton a year estimates indicate that the White House/NSC cocaine enterprise by Bush and North constituted the majority of the cocaine distributed in the United States in the 1980's and they controlled the cocaine market prices by controlling the largest supply system. My friend William alone delivered 200 tons of cocaine for the White House, and there were others like him.

Even independent smugglers or distributors were effected by the market force of the Executive Department's monopolistic cocaine enterprise. However, the Executive Department enterprise had an advantage. The Executive Department eliminated market place competition by arrests, seizures of the cocaine, and confiscation of assets, thus ensuring the profitable sale of more than 500 hundred tons of its own cocaine to finance covert operations and the Contra War.

The Los Angeles Times reported that the final report of the Iran - Contra prosecutors was sealed. It concluded that President Reagan's top Cabinet officers engaged in a cover-up, plotting to make Oliver North and two national security advisors "scapegoats whose sacrifice would protect" the administration.

The article quotes the report as saying: (Los Angeles Times, Associated Press, "Iran-Contra Report Describes Cover-Up by Top Reagan Aides, October 16, 1993, p. A 16). This means the public was lied to, continually.

Currently, thousands of prisoners in the United States are serving long prison sentences because they were selling small portions of the hundreds of tons of NSC/CIA transported. cocaine. Under Agency law, President Reagan and later Bush are principles and directly responsible for North's enterprise to import and distribute 600 to 1,000 tons of cheap cocaine through the established Colombian distribution networks. Thousands of American prisoners unwittingly became co-conspirators of the Reagan and Bush White House cocaine enterprise by distributing cocaine received on credit from the Executive Department in cities and towns across the United States. The most devastated areas were the inner city black communities.

It Is Time To Heal The Wounds

The Drug War, fueled by self-serving political rhetoric of fear and propaganda about crime would appear as nothing more than a fraud or manipulation of the taxpayers to insure votes for the tough politicians, and jobs for the drug warriors. The supplying of drugs to Americans by the government through the Office of the Chief Executive is a betrayal of trust. Some may call it treason, or simply ambitious political fraud. Either way, a million persons a year are arrested and branded for life because of the drug laws, and nearly a million persons are in prison because of the drug prohibition laws. Thousands of prisoners are incarcerated not knowing that they were the distribution agents and co-conspirators of the Executive Department by selling its cocaine across the nation to finance the White House covert actions. All of the taxpayers were fooled when their tax dollars bought drugs and prison cells.

Under the law of Agency, Presidents Reagan and Bush are directly responsible for the distribution of each gram of cocaine from the 500 ton contract. Thousands of defendants had an "agency" defense that permits the "agent" the same defense and immunity as the "principal," in this case, the National Security Immunity of Reagan, Bush, and North. Thousands of criminal defendants and prisoners would not realize the prosecution and the Executive Department had a conflict of interest in each drug prohibition case since the Executive Department profited from the sale of the same cocaine. In the final analysis, there is no integrity in the Drug War. It is a sham. Prohibition laws protect corrupt government officials, create a vast black market, cause the highest rates of crime and incarceration in the world, and serve only to create jobs at the cost of civil liberties and constitutional rights. The question is, when will the taxpayers "just say no" to drug laws and to the politicians who spout that "tough law" rhetoric.